1. Darurat masih ada, Perdana Menteri boleh buat apa sahaja.
2. Orang biasa 10 hari, Menteri 3 hari…COVID tentu kenal siapa dia?
3. Lompat menjadi-jadi. Dua, tiga lompat masuk Parti Kerajaan. Belum tentu Muhyiddin dapat majoriti. Lompat keluar tak tahu?
4. Sebab lompat? Heh, Heh, Heh. Kita tahu la. Cash is king.
5. Katanya ada tawaran lagi kepada parti lawan. Bisnes politik lebih untung dari bisnes-bisnes.
6. Berita palsu – ciptaan Dato Seri Najib dibatal oleh Pakatan Harapan (PH).
7. Dibawa balik oleh Muhyiddin. Kenyataan Muhyiddin setaraf kelulusan Parlimen. Sebut sahaja, jadi undang-undang.
8. Apa perlu Parlimen? Apa perlu pilihan raya? Habis masa, habis duit.
9. Beli orang, panggil mereka wakil rakyat, Kerajaan tertubuh – selamat berbillion Ringgit.
10. Tak cukup duit, naik denda.
11. Tak bayar 10,000 pakai baju oren, masuk dalam.
12. Salah satu billion okay. Dapat eskot polis.
13. Boleh jadi ahli Parlimen. Nasihat Kerajaan.
14. Malaysia boleh. Darurat semua boleh. Syabas Malaysia.
BUKIT MALUT
1. Saya ikuti dengan teliti perkembangan berkenaan situasi penempatan di Bukit Malut, Langkawi.
2. Isu ini sudah berlarutan agak lama, juga semasa saya menjadi Perdana Menteri.
3. Penyelesaian isu ini memerlukan tindakan pro-aktif Kerajaan Persekutuan. Ini kerana sebahagian besar masalah yang perlu diselesaikan melibatkan agensi-agensi Kerajaan Persekutuan.
4. Pembangunan penempatan untuk menampung jumlah penduduk yang akan dipindahkan akan melibat peruntukan yang besar.
5. Ini hanya boleh didapati dengan bantuan kewangan Kerajaan Persekutuan.
6. Kerajaan Negeri Kedah tidak mungkin mampu untuk sediakan peruntukan yang sebegitu besar untuk bangunkan penempatan baru, tetapi perlu memain peranan untuk selesaikan perkara-perkara berkaitan yang melibatkan kuasa negeri.
LETAK JAWATAN
1. Tommy Thomas dalam bukunya “My Story – Justice in the Wilderness” berpendapat bahawa peletakan jawatan Perdana Menteri sebagai surrender of power, penyerahan balik kuasa yang sukar difaham.
2. Saya pula tidak faham kenapa peletakan jawatan itu sukar difaham. Parti Pribumi Bersatu yang saya menjadi Pengerusi telah tolak nasihat saya supaya tidak tergesa-gesa keluar dari Pakatan Harapan (PH). Ini bermakna parti saya tidak lagi mempunyai kepercayaan (confidence) kepada saya. Mereka menyokong Muhyiddin dan memutus untuk keluar dari Pakatan Harapan dengan serta merta.
3. Apabila saya tidak lagi memiliki kepercayaan dari parti saya, saya tidak lagi dapat menjadi Pengerusi parti. Saya buat keputusan untuk letak jawatan sebagai Pengerusi Bersatu.
4. Saya dilantik jadi Perdana Menteri (PM) kerana saya Pengerusi Bersatu. Apabila saya tidak lagi jadi Pengerusi Bersatu, saya tidak lagi layak jadi Perdana Menteri. Maka saya pun terpaksa letak jawatan sebagai Perdana Menteri.
5. Walaupun saya minta supaya Bersatu tangguh keputusan keluar dari PH, tetapi pada malam 23 Februari 2020 (Ahad) Bersatu telah ada majlis makan malam bersama PAS dan UMNO, iaitu gabungan parti-parti yang dirancang oleh Muhyiddin untuk menjadi Kerajaan apabila PH jatuh.
6. Saya jatuh bersama dengan kejatuhan PH. Tidak munasabah saya terus jadi Perdana Menteri apabila PH tidak lagi jadi Kerajaan.
7. Kit Siang berpendapat Kerajaan PH jatuh kerana saya letak jawatan. Jika PH masih ada majoriti, ia tidak akan jatuh. PH boleh pilih ahli Dewan Rakyat lain untuk jadi Perdana Menteri.
8. Anwar Ibrahim memang berminat untuk jadi Perdana Menteri. Tetapi kerana PH hilang majoriti di waktu saya letak jawatan, Anwar tidak dapat ganti saya.
9. Kemudian semua 222 wakil rakyat diberi peluang oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong untuk cadang calon mereka untuk jadi Perdana Menteri.
10. PH yang sepatutnya cadang saya, telah cadang Anwar konon kerana ia mendapat cukup bilang disebabkan sokongan dari Sabah dan Sarawak.
11. Tetapi Anwar hanya dapat 92 pencalonan dari PH sahaja. Sabah dan Sarawak tolak Anwar.
12. Saya dapat 62 pencalonan kerana PH tolak saya.
13. Jika PH calon saya seperti yang saya berhak dapat, saya akan dapat 154 undi. Saya sanggup kembali sebagai Perdana Menteri walaupun Bersatu tolak saya.
14. Setelah pencalonan depan Yang di-Pertuan Agong gagal menentukan PM baru, pemimpin PH termasuk Anwar datang jumpa saya dengan cadangan memilih saya sebagai PM. Saya letak syarat nama Anwar sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri tidak disebut. Pada hari esok syarat saya dipersetujui.
15. PH berjaya mendapat 114 wakil rakyat yang menyertai kumpulan baru ini. Tetapi sebelum dapat dikemukakan kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Muhyiddin sudah dipilih oleh Agong.
16. Yang jelas ialah tidak mungkin Muhyiddin mempunyai majoriti kerana 114 dari wakil rakyat tidak bersama dengan beliau. Tetapi apabila dilantik sebagai Perdana Menteri beberapa penyokong kumpulan PH ditawar jadi Menteri, oleh Muhyiddin. Maka ia pun memperoleh majoriti.
17. Kit Siang tentu tidak akan mengaku kejatuhan PH bukan kerana saya letak jawatan. Yang benar-benar menjatuh PH ialah pemilihan Anwar untuk jadi Perdana Menteri semasa membuat pengakuan kepada Agong. Jika PH menamakan saya, segala-gala yang berlaku sekarang tidak akan berlaku.
TOMMY THOMAS
** Versi Bahasa Malaysia menyusul di akhir posting ini
1. I was shocked to read excerpts from Tommy Thomas’ book My Story: Justice in the Wildness. Tommy was one of those lawyers who hated me. But before I became once again Prime Minister Tommy came with Zainur Zakaria and Ambiga, both who at one time were against me, and Zainur Zakaria recommended Tommy for the post of Attorney General (AG).
2. At that time I was disillusioned with a number of Malay A.G. who were prepared to obey the Prime Minister (Najib) even when instructed to do something obviously wrong. I thought it would be a good thing if the A.G. is not a Malay.
3. When I became the 7th Prime Minister, I decided to appoint Tommy Thomas. I knew Malays would not like it. But the Malay AGs had not been true to their profession. I was prepared to face criticisms from the Malays. But I could not stop my Malay critics from condemning me over Tommy Thomas’ appointment as A.G.
4. I was generally satisfied with Tommy’s work. He explained to me that there was no case against the so-called supporters of LTTE. I accepted his explanation and wrote to Muhyiddin, the Minister of Home Affairs. He dropped the case. The anger of the Malays against me was terrible.
5. Tommy knew nothing about my resignation. According to Tommy I told him that the Agong had wanted to appoint Wan Azizah as Interim Prime Minister. This is nonsense. After reluctantly accepting my resignation, the Agong suggested I become Interim Prime Minister. Wan Azizah could not be Acting Prime Minister or Interim Prime Minister because the PH Government had already collapsed.
6. My reason for resigning was because my own party, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia, rejected my advise not to leave Pakatan Harapan because at the meeting of the Presidential Council of PH all the members agreed to let me decide when I should step down. Clearly they were not in favour of my stepping down to give way to Anwar. Anwar and Wan Azizah attended that meeting.
7. At the meeting of the Supreme Council of Bersatu, on Sunday my appeal to give time before deciding to leave PH was rejected. I knew that when Bersatu together with Azmin’s faction of PKR left PH, the PH Government would fall as it lost the majority.
8. Although I pleaded to be given a week for me to decide, that night Bersatu, Azmin’s faction of PKR, UMNO and PAS had a dinner in Sheraton Petaling Jaya. I refused to attend, because I was not informed beforehand. Obviously Bersatu, led by Muhyiddin had agreed to form a coalition with UMNO, PAS together with Azmin’s faction. PH was no longer the Government. They could not wait one week for me to decide.
9. I thought about the rejection of my advice by the Supreme Council of Bersatu in the light of Bersatu’s participation at Sheraton. I concluded that I had lost the confidence of Bersatu and therefore I must resign as its Chairman. If I resign as Chairman I no longer represent the party in the PH. So I decided to resign as Prime Minister as well.
10. After having informed the PH coalition leaders, I expected to have an audience with the King that afternoon. I believe he had already received my resignation letter when I met him that afternoon. He at first refused to accept my resignation. I was adamant and he then accepted it. But immediately he asked me to be interim Prime Minister.
11. He never proposed any other name, certainly not Wan Azizah, the Deputy Prime Minister (DPM). I never offered myself but it would be rude for me not to accept his proposal.
12. At that time the Pakatan Harapan Government had already fallen, as Muhyiddin had announced Bersatu had left PH at noon. Wan Azizah as DPM could not take my place as PH was no longer the Government. Nor could any member of PH take over from me.
13. The King decided that the 222 members of Parliament should nominate a new Prime Minister who had the support of the majority of the members. He wanted them to make their choice by signing a statutory declaration in front of him.
14. It took two days with him witnessing the members naming their candidates and signing the declaration.
15. I did not put myself up as a candidate but I did expect to win. As I related above the Presidential Council of PH decided to let me determine when I should leave. On the other hand YB Hamzah Zainuddin, who plotted the fall of Pakatan Harapan, had obtained statutory declaration from all of UMNO and PAS MPs that they supported me as Prime Minister.
16. I thought that my position was strengthened because I had the support of Government MPs as well as opposition MPs. But Hamzah’s plan was to get me to head a new coalition consisting of UMNO, PAS and Bersatu. I would still be Prime Minister and that should persuade me to leave PH.
17. But the Pakatan Harapan MPs did not name me as their candidate when they made their statutory declaration in front of the Agong. Anwar had persuaded them that he had enough support from Sabah and Sarawak MPs and with PH MPs to have a majority to become Prime Minister. So they named Anwar as the PH candidate.
18. But actually he had the support of only DAP, Amanah and his faction of his PKR. They totalled 92. I managed to get only 62. So both of us lost.
19. When Muhyiddin was named Prime Minister he did not have majority support. But upon his appointment he was able to offer places in his cabinet to the members who supported me. They crossed over and Muhyiddin achieved a majority of two.
20. During the time when Tommy Thomas was A.G. I got on quite well with him. He would see me for all major issues. I trusted him and defended him when Malays condemned him. His term was ending. I recommended a Tan Sri-ship for him.
21. PAS never directly asked me to drop him. But I had taken so much bashing because of him that I felt he should not continue after ending his term.
22. But when I resigned as Prime Minister he came to see me to inform me that since I appointed him and since I was no longer PM he should also resign.
23. His account about my resignation is quite fantastic. I had always been labelled a dictator by the opposition when I was Prime Minister. I never expected the Opposition to adore me. That would not justify their opposition against me. But I resigned in 2003 because I felt I had been PM too long. Dictators don’t resign. But of course those who were against me were not going to stop claiming I was a dictator.
24. I don’t believe in overstaying my welcome. In 2020 I resigned as Bersatu Chairman not because I wished to, but my party had lost their confidence in me. Besides I believed the PH had lost its majority and could no longer be the Government. I also resigned as Prime Minister. Actually this was not necessary as the collapse of the PH Government meant I was no longer PM.
25. As far as the Cabinet is concerned, when PH lost the majority, the Cabinet could not be sustained. Article 43 of the Constitution, para (4) says “If the Prime Minister ceases to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the House of Representatives, then, unless at his request the Yang di- Pertuan Agong dissolves Parliament, the Prime Minister shall tender the resignation of the Cabinet.”
26. The situation was different from 1969, when Perikatan had a majority. It was not overthrown as PH was. The Tunku was expected to be the PM. But emergency was declared and NOC (National Operations Council) was formed headed by Tun Razak. Later when the Tunku resigned, Tun Razak was appointed PM. He had the majority as Perikatan had won the election.
27. Similarly Barisan Nasional (BN) had the majority when Hussein decided not to contest and I became President of UMNO and Prime Minister.
28. When I resigned in 2020 Pakatan Harapan had lost its majority and the Agong could not simply appoint Wan Azizah, the Deputy Prime Minister as Prime Minister. Neither did the Agong ask Wan Azizah to be Interim Prime Minister.
29. There is no provision for Interim Prime Minister. I accepted the designation because choosing a Prime Minister by the 222 Members of Parliament would take time. The country needed a temporary head of Government. Once the members had chosen the new Prime Minister, my appointment would cease. But the members did not give anyone a clear majority. Anwar had 92 while I had 62.
30. Yes. My resignation was personal. I never submitted the resignation of the Cabinet. But when the PH Government fell, there was no way the Cabinet could remain. It had to go down with the Government.
31. I cannot understand how a lawyer cannot understand this was not a change of Prime Minister. The PH Government had lost. The Agong could not appoint Wan Azizah, the Deputy Prime Minister as acting Prime Minister. Like me, she did not have a majority after PH was overthrown by Bersatu leaving together with Azmin’s faction of PKR or Justice Party. Neither did the Cabinet.
32. As interim Prime Minister my job was to help set up a Government. The politicians were all talking about their parties’ interests, not about the nation.
33. I thought we should all forget about our parties and think about the nation. So I told all party heads that we should have a Unity Government and parties should forget their individual agenda. We should also bring in non-politicians into the Government.
34. I remembered well that Tun Razak, as head of NOC, tried to bring in all the opposition parties into the Government. He succeeded with Gerakan, PAS and SUPP. But DAP refused. Still he felt justified in naming the new coalition, the National Front or Barisan Nasional.
35. I thought that something similar was needed. But I failed because Kit Siang said I was trying to become a dictator. He supported Anwar as the PH candidate. Had the 92 votes gone to me I would have 154 votes. You can imagine what direction the nation would take when all parties put the nation first.
*****
1. Saya terkejut membaca petikan dari buku Tommy Thomas My Story: Justice in the Wilderness. Tommy adalah salah seorang peguam yang benci saya. Tetapi sebelum saya menjadi Perdana Menteri semula, Tommy telah datang bersama Zainur Zakaria dan Ambiga, kedua-duanya juga pernah pada satu masa menentang saya dan Zainur telah cadangkan nama Tommy sebagai Peguam Negara.
2. Pada masa itu saya kecewa dengan sebilangan Peguam Negara Melayu yang bersedia untuk taat kepada Perdana Menteri (Najib) walaupun disuruh melakukan sesuatu yang salah. Saya fikir ia satu perkara yang baik untuk lantik Peguam Negara bukan Melayu.
3. Apabila saya jadi Perdana Menteri ke-7, saya putuskan untuk lantik Tommy Thomas. Saya sedar orang Melayu tidak akan suka. Tetapi Peguam Negara Melayu tidak bersungguh dalam profesion mereka. Saya sedia terima kritikan orang Melayu. Tetapi saya tidak dapat halang kecaman orang Melayu atas pelantikan Tommy Thomas sebagai Peguam Negara.
4. Secara umum saya berpuas hati dengan kerja Tommy. Dia jelaskan kepada saya bahawa tidak ada kes untuk dakwa yang dikatakan penyokong LTTE ini. Saya terima penjelasan itu dan menulis kepada Muhyiddin, Menteri Dalam Negeri. Tommy buang kes tersebut. Kemarahan orang Melayu kepada saya memuncak.
5. Tommy tidak tahu apa-apa langsung berkenaan peletakan jawatan saya. Menurut Tommy, saya beritahu kepadanya bahawa Agong mahukan Wan Azizah sebagai Perdana Menteri Interim (sementara). Ini cerita karut. Selepas menerima dengan berat hati peletakan jawatan saya, Agong cadangkan saya sebagai Perdana Menteri Interim. Nama Wan Azizah tidak pernah disebut oleh Agong sebagai Perdana Menteri Sementara.
6. Sebabnya saya letak jawatan ialah kerana parti saya sendiri, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia menolak nasihat saya untuk tidak keluar dari Pakatan Harapan kerana pada mesyuarat Majlis Presiden Pakatan Harapan kesemua ahli telah bersetuju untuk serah kepada budi bicara saya tarikh sesuai untuk letak jawatan. Jelas mereka tidak hendak saya letak jawatan dan beri laluan kepada Anwar. Anwar dan Wan Azizah hadir dalam mesyuarat itu.
7. Dalam mesyuarat Majlis Pimpinan Tertinggi Bersatu, pada hari Ahad rayuan saya untuk diberi masa sebelum buat keputusan keluar dari PH ditolak. Saya tahu apabila Bersatu bersama kumpulan PKR Azmin keluar dari PH, Kerajaan PH akan jatuh kerana hilang majoriti.
8. Walaupun saya merayu untuk diberi masa seminggu untuk buat keputusan, malam itu Bersatu, kumpulan Azmin dari PKR, UMNO dan PAS hadir makan malam di Sheraton Petaling Jaya. Saya enggan hadir, kerana saya tidak dimaklum apa-apa sebelum itu. Jelas sekali Bersatu, dipimpin Muhyiddin bersetuju bentuk pakatan bersama UMNO, PAS termasuk kumpulan Azmin. PH tidak lagi jadi Kerajaan. Mereka tidak boleh tunggu seminggu untuk saya buat keputusan.
9. Saya terfikir tentang penolakan nasihat saya oleh MPT Bersatu dan penyertaan Bersatu di Sheraton. Nyata bahawa saya telah hilang keyakinan dari Bersatu dan oleh sebab itu saya harus letak jawatan sebagai Pengerusi parti. Jika saya letak jawatan sebagai Pengerusi, saya juga tidak lagi mewakili Parti dalam PH. Jadi saya perlu juga letak jawatan sebagai Perdana Menteri.
10. Setelah diberitahu kepada pemimpin PH, saya menjangka akan mengadap Agong di sebelah tengahari. Saya percaya YDPA telah terima surat peletakan jawatan saya semasa pertemuan itu. Pada awalnya YPDA menolak peletakan jawatan saya. Saya kekal dengan pendirian saya dan kemudian YDPA terima keputusan itu. Tetapi YDPA minta saya jadi Perdana Menteri sementara.
11. YDPA tidak cadangkan nama lain, pastinya bukan Wan Azizah, Timbalan Perdana Menteri (TPM). Saya tidak tawar diri tetapi tidak kena jika saya menolak cadangan Agong.
12. Pada masa itu Kerajaan Pakatan Harapan telah jatuh rentetan pengumuman Muhyiddin mengeluarkan Bersatu dari PH di sebelah tengahari. Wan Azizah sebagai TPM tidak boleh ambil alih jawatan kerana PH bukan lagi Kerajaan. Juga tidak ada satu pun ahli PH boleh ambil alih daripada saya.
13. Agong meminta 222 ahli Parlimen namakan Perdana Menteri baru yang punyai sokongan majoriti ahli. YDPA mahu mereka buat pilihan dengan tandatangan Akuan Bersumpah di hadapannya.
14. Ini mengambil masa selama 2 hari dengan YDPA menyaksi ahli Parlimen menamakan calon dan tandatangan akuan tersebut.
15. Saya tidak menamakan diri sebagai calon tetapi saya telah jangka akan menang. Seperti dinyatakan di atas, Majlis Presiden PH telah putus menyerahkan kepada saya bila masa untuk saya letak jawatan. Sebaliknya YB Hamzah Zainuddin yang merancang kejatuhan PH telah memperoleh Akuan Bersumpah dari semua ahli Parlimen UMNO dan PAS untuk sokong saya sebagai Perdana Menteri.
16. Saya fikir kedudukan saya telah diperkuat memandangkan kesemua Ahli Parlimen Kerajaan dan Pembangkang menyokong saya. Tetapi rancangan Hamzah ialah menjadikan saya Ketua kepada pakatan baru yang dianggotai UMNO, PAS dan Bersatu. Saya masih lagi akan jadi Perdana Menteri dan ini akan pengaruhi saya untuk tinggalkan PH.
17. Tetapi ahli Parlimen PH tidak namakan saya sebagai calon mereka semasa tandatangan akuan bersumpah di hadapan Agong. Anwar yakinkan mereka yang dia mendapat sokongan ahli Parlimen Sabah dan Sarawak dan bersama ahli parlimen PH, memperoleh majoriti untuk jadi Perdana Menteri. Dengan itu mereka namakan Anwar sebagai calon PH.
18. Hakikatnya dia hanya disokong DAP, Amanah dan kumpulannya dalam PKR. Mereka berjumlah 92. Saya cuma mendapat 62 sokongan. Jadi kami berdua kalah.
19. Semasa Muhyiddin dinamakan sebagai Perdana Menteri, dia tidak dapat sokongan majoriti. Tetapi setelah dilantik dia tawar jawatan kabinet kepada ahli yang telah sokong saya. Mereka beralih sokongan dan Muhyiddin mendapat lebihan dua majoriti.
20. Semasa Tommy Thomas jadi Peguam Negara, hubungan kami baik. Dia akan berjumpa saya untuk isu-isu utama. Saya juga percaya dan pertahan dia ketika dikecam orang Melayu. Tempoh khidmatnya hampir tamat. Saya cadangkan anugerah Tan Sri untuk dia.
21. PAS tidak pernah secara langsung minta untuk dia digugurkan. Tetapi saya telah terima banyak kecaman kerana dia, dan saya fikir dia tidak perlu lagi disambung perkhidmatan setelah tamat.
22. Tetapi apabila saya letak jawatan sebagai PM dia datang berjumpa saya untuk beritahu yang memandangkan saya yang lantik dia dan saya bukan lagi PM maka dia juga rasa perlu letak jawatan.
23. Tulisannya berkenaan peletakan jawatan saya cukup hebat. Saya selalu dilabel diktator oleh pembangkang ketika jadi Perdana Menteri. Tak mungkin pembangkang akan puja saya. Itu bukan sifat pembangkang. Tetapi saya letak jawatan pada 2003 kerana rasa terlalu lama jadi PM. Diktator biasanya tidak akan letak jawatan. Tapi sudah pasti yang menentang saya tidak akan berhenti mendakwa saya diktator.
24. Saya tidak ingin bosankan dengan berjawatan terlalu lama. Pada 2020 saya letak jawatan sebagai Pengerusi Bersatu bukan atas kehendak saya, tetapi parti telah hilang kepercayaan kepada saya. Saya juga yakin PH sudah hilang majoriti dan tidak boleh lagi jadi Kerajaan. Saya juga letak jawatan Perdana Menteri. Sebenarnya tak perlu pun letak jawatan kerana kejatuhan Kerajaan PH bermakna saya bukan lagi PM.
25. Berkenaan Kabinet pula, apabila PH hilang majoriti, Kabinet juga tidak dapat kekal. Perkara 43 (4) Perlembagaan menyebut “Jika Perdana Menteri tidak lagi mendapat kepercayaan majoriti ahli Dewan Rakyat, maka Perdana Menteri hendaklah meletakkan jawatan Jemaah Menteri melainkan jika atas permintaannya Parlimen dibubarkan oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong.
26. Ini berbeza dengan 1969, apabila Perikatan punyai majoriti. Ia tidak ditumbangkan seperti PH. Tunku dijangka akan jadi PM. Tetapi darurat diisytihar, MAGERAN ditubuh dan dipimpin oleh Tun Razak. Kemudian Tunku letak jawatan dan Tun Razak dilantik sebagai PM. Dia masih punyai majoriti kerana Perikatan telah menang dalam pilihanraya.
27. Begitu juga Barisan Nasional (BN) masih punyai majoriti apabila Hussein putuskan untuk tidak mahu bertanding dan saya jadi Presiden UMNO dan Perdana Menteri.
28. Semasa saya letak jawatan pada 2020 PH telah hilang majoriti dan Agong tidak boleh terus lantik Wan Azizah, TPM sebagai Perdana Menteri. Agong juga tidak meminta Wan Azizah menjadi Perdana Menteri Interim.
29. Sebenarnya tidak ada peruntukan untuk Perdana Menteri Interim. Saya terima jawatan itu kerana proses pemilihan oleh 222 Ahli Parlimen mengambil masa yang lama. Negara perlukan Ketua Kerajaan sementara. Setelah ahli parlimen pilih Perdana Menteri baru, pelantikan saya terhenti. Tetapi ahli parlimen tidak berikan majoriti jelas, Anwar peroleh 92 manakala saya 62 undi.
30. Ya. Peletakan jawatan ini pendirian peribadi. Saya tidak hantar surat peletakan kabinet. Tetapi apabila Kerajaan PH tumbang, tidak ada alasan untuk Kabinet kekal. Ia terbubar bersama Kerajaan.
31. Saya hairan bagaimana seorang peguam tidak faham yang ini bukanlah pertukaran Perdana Menteri. Kerajaan PH telah tumbang. Agong tidak boleh lantik Wan Azizah, TPM sebagai Pemangku PM. Sama seperti saya, dia juga tidak punyai majoriti apabila PH ditumbangkan oleh Bersatu yang keluar bersama kumpulan Azmin dari PKR atau Parti Keadilan. Samalah juga dengan Kabinet.
32. Sebagai Perdana Menteri Interim tugas saya ialah untuk menubuh Kerajaan. Ahli politik sibuk bercakap tentang kepentingan parti mereka, bukan tentang negara.
33. Saya berpendapat kita perlu lupakan tentang parti dan fikir tentang negara. Oleh itu saya beritahu kepada semua Ketua Parti kita perlu ada Kerajaan Perpaduan dan lupakan agenda peribadi. Kita juga perlu bawa bukan ahli politik ke dalam Kerajaan.
34. Saya masih ingat dengan jelas Tun Razak, Pengerusi MAGERAN, cuba untuk bawa kesemua parti pembangkang ke dalam Kerajaan. Dia berjaya bawa bersama Gerakan, PAS dan SUPP. Tetapi DAP tolak. Masih dia rasa berhak untuk namakan perikatan baru yang dikenali sebagai Barisan Nasional.
35. Saya fikir kita perlu perkara yang sama. Tetapi saya gagal kerana Kit Siang dakwa saya mahu jadi Diktator. Dia sokong Anwar sebagai calon PH. Jika 92 undi itu bersama saya, saya akan peroleh 154 undi. Bayangkan bagaimana halatuju Negara jika kesemua parti meletakkan Negara ini sebagai matlamat utama.
TAKUT
1. Kami cuba dapat ramai orang untuk memberi pendapat berkenaan darurat. Ramai mereka yang berpendapat darurat tidak perlu. Mereka sebut beberapa sebab mereka berpendapat demikian.
2. Mereka jelaskan tetapi ternampak mereka dalam ketakutan. Mereka rendah suara sambil memandang sekeliling mereka. Dan mereka pun pesan jangan bagi tahu sesiapa berkenaan pendapat mereka.
3. Kata mereka, mereka takut kerana Kerajaan penuh kuasa dan boleh buat apa sahaja kepada mereka. Denda sebanyak 5 juta dan penjara 10 tahun. Tidak boleh dapat perlindungan undang-undang.
4. Saya cuba jelas Kerajaan tidak boleh buat begitu. Tetapi mereka tidak berasa senang.
5. Disuruh tandatangan surat rayuan supaya darurat ditarik balik – mereka tolak.
COVID-19
1. Baru-baru ini seorang dari keluarga saya dijangkiti COVID-19. Dia tidak dapat dimasuk hospital kerana tidak teruk. Sebaliknya ia diarah kuarantin di rumahnya.
2. Tetapi semasa di rumah keadaannya menjadi teruk sehingga tidak dapat bernafas. Maka dia pun dimasuk ke hospital.
3. Masalahnya semasa dia berada di rumah, penyakitnya dijangkit kepada ahli di rumah. Saya percaya ia tidak dapat dimasuk hospital awal kerana jumlah yang dijangkiti terlalu ramai. Tiap hari 4000 dikesan.
4. Namun demikian, jika pesakit berada di rumah, ahli keluarga akan dijangkiti. Maka lebih ramailah yang terjangkit. Sepatutnya mereka dimasuk ke dalam kuarantin berasingan dari keluarga.
5. Jika selepas sekian lama pesakit mungkin sembuh atau perlu dirawat dalam hospital. Setelah didapati tidak ada jangkitan maka bolehlah balik ke rumah.
6. Sudah tentu tempat kuarantin hendaklah sesuai. Dari gambar yang diperolehi katil-katil terlalu dekat dan apabila ada lawatan pembesar pesakit akan berkumpul. Ini akan menyebabkan jangkitan merebak.
7. Sesungguhnya ada banyak cara dan amalan yang boleh kurangkan jumlah jangkitan. Diharap doktor-doktor pakar dapat berbincang dengan pegawai Kerajaan.
8. Khidmat Ketua Pengarah Kesihatan amat dihargai. Tetapi wabak ini agak terlalu besar untuk ditangani oleh seorang sahaja.
REGISTRATION OF PEJUANG
1. Like all political parties Pejuang applied for registration with the Registrar of Societies (ROS).
2. To date Pejuang has not been registered. We had done everything required by ROS for its approval. We amended our constitution, wrote to ROS and met the Registrar.
3. In the end the Registrar informed us that our application meets all the conditions of its registration. But it has to be sent to the Minister of Home Affairs for his approval.
4. The law and rules for registration do not require the approval of the Minister. The Registrar of Societies is empowered to approve or reject the application. But when the Registrar informed us that the approval of the Minister was needed, we did not protest.
5. We waited for a reply. We waited and waited. But there was no reply from ROS or the minister.
6. We then went to the courts to get the court to ask the ROS for a reply. The evening before the court was to make a decision, ROS replied that our application was rejected. The reason given was that the online version of our constitution was not proper? But we had given the hard copy.
7. Now the Government has emergency powers. We wonder whether the pandemic stands in the way of our approval. Can it be that an approval of our party would worsen the pandemic. Or is the Government so busy with managing the COVID-19 that it has no time for anything else. Or is it the Government’s way of ensuring elections without opponents.
8. The Bersatu leaders in the Government must know that a day before the 14th General Election (GE) Bersatu’s registration was cancelled. The Prime Minister who at that time was the President of Bersatu was very angry. He thought it was unfair and a dirty trick for Najib’s Government to do that.
9. But now that he is the Government with emergency powers, he is doing the same thing that he condemned Najib for.
10. With the emergency in force the power of the Prime Minister is above challenge. There is no more democracy. So I suppose Pejuang cannot do anything to get the Registrar to register the party.
THE PROCLAMATION
1. I hesitate to comment on the Proclamation of a State of Emergency for fear that I am motivated by a desire to become Prime Minister again.
2. But now I find that doctors and lawyers are commenting adversely on the promulgation of a state of emergency due to COVID-19. Also, on the management of the pandemic. And so I feel I have a right to comment.
3. My view is that emergency powers are not necessary in dealing with the pandemic. The Government has ample power and Malaysians have obeyed whatever orders or directives issued by the Government in dealing with COVID-19. They raise no objection. We are not like liberal western countries where the people openly disobeyed Government directives claiming that their rights and freedoms have been ignored.
4. But the Proclamation of a State of Emergency removes the last vestige of democratic rights of the people. It is worthwhile to note: –
i. This Government is not the Government they elected. It is a back door Government.
ii. This Government has now lost its majority and therefore the right to rule.
iii. Through the proclamation this minority Government has now gained absolute power to rule.
5. This is enunciated in article 11 of the Emergency (Essential Powers) Ordinance 2021 which reads:-
“For so long as the emergency is in force –
a) the Prime Minister and the Cabinet existing immediately prior to the issuance of the Proclamation of Emergency on 11 January 2021 who have been conferred the executive functions shall continue to exercise the executive authority of the Federation and such other persons who have been conferred the executive functions by law shall continue to exercise such functions;
Additionally in para (4) of 12;
For the avoidance of doubt, for so long as the emergency is in force, Clause (3) of Article 55 of the Federal Constitution shall have effect as if the words “for five years from the date of its first meeting and shall then stand dissolved” have been deleted.
Parliament sitting
14. (1) For so long as the emergency is in force –
(a) the provisions relating to the summoning, proroguing and dissolution of Parliament in the Federal Constitution shall not have effect; and
(2) Any Meeting of the Parliament which has been summoned before the coming into operation of this Ordinance but has not been held is cancelled.
6. Clearly with the Proclamation of a State of Emergency the Parliament elected by the people has lost its role in the governance of this country. The Prime Minister now has full authority to rule the country on his own.
7. The excuse for this seizure of power is said to be the massive increase in the COVID-19 pandemic.
8. What is there that the Prime Minister with his absolute power can do to solve this health crisis? One has to remember that its was his decision to seize power in Sabah that was followed with the four digit increase in the number of new cases. Before that the new cases had dwindled to single digit.
9. The best brains in the world are finding it difficult to stem the numbers of new cases. Can the Prime Minister with his power to jail people for up to 10 years and impose a fine of five million Ringgit reduce the number of cases.
10. We appreciate the work of the Director – General of Health for his management of the pandemic. But now the numbers are very big.
11. The problems are not the same. The frontline workers who dealt with the first phase have now to deal with thousands more cases daily. Still the COVID-19 numbers are increasing. Positive cases cannot be admitted, increasing their exposure to members of their families and others.
12. The workers, foreign and local, are posing massive problems as they stay in crowded rooms and cannot maintain social spacing when working.
13. Total lockdown cannot be imposed as the economy would be affected and poor people cannot earn money to buy food even.
14. The problem caused by the pandemic are very many and do not lead to easy solutions. Can the enhanced power of the Prime Minister tackle these problems?
15. What kind of advise can he give to the King that will reduce the numbers of those getting infected, those having to be hospitalised, those who will die.
16. But the declaration of emergency has given the Government tremendous powers.
17. Everything that is done is in the name of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. They cannot be questioned. Nor can they be brought before Parliament as all sittings have been cancelled.
18. Effectively the rule of law has been abolished. We are assured that the intention is good. But when absolute authority is given, breaches and abuses will happen.
19. Whither Malaysia.
EXTREMISM
1. I have been named among the top 20 most dangerous extremists on earth, by a United States’ based website.
2. The Counter Extremism Project website cites; “A controversial figure, Mahathir often criticized (sic) the West, LGBT people, and Jewish people”.
3. It goes on to say; “Mahathir is not directly responsible for specific acts of violence. However, his controversial opinions have led to international condemnation as it was alleged Mahathir supported extremist violence against the West”.
4. Among my views which was cited was that against Macron’s views on Islam recently. Macron asserts that Islam promotes terrorism. This is totally wrong. Islam forbids killing. The killing of a single person, whether Muslim or not is likened to the killing of all of humanity. The killing of a fellow Muslim will earn the killer permanent confinement in the worst of hell. If Muslims kill it is not due to the teachings of Islam.
5. The website regurgitates half of what I wrote and twisted it so as to imply that I advocate terrorism. I specifically stressed that Muslims are not revengeful (read here).
6. So, one can be an extremist for criticising the West, saying things they do not like to hear, even if it’s the truth. You don’t have to do anything.
7. It is like labelling you as anti-Semitic if you criticise the Jews even mildly.
8. Based on the storming of the Capitol by outgoing President Donald Trump’s supporters, largely attributed to his incitement, Trump should be labelled extremist. But the website has not described him as a terrorist even though Mark Zuckerberg has banned (here) Trump from Facebook till the end of his Presidency for, “use of our platform to incite violent insurrection against a democratically elected government.”
9. Then there is the complete destruction of Iraq by Bush and Blair based on falsified claims of having weapons of mass destruction as evidenced by the Chilcot report.
10. Iraq Body Count, a website that maintains the world’s largest public database of violent civilian deaths since the 2003 invasion, estimates some 288,00 civilians and combatants lost their lives, with the bulk being civilians, due to the action of these two leaders.
11. Would Bush and Blair be held as extremists considering that all those lives lost were due to their lies about Iraq. Their shock and awe assault which they claim would solve the problem of Iraq’s dictatorship in three months is now in its 18th year. The destruction is still going on.
12. Between March 30 and November 19, 2018, Israeli security forces killed 189 Palestinian demonstrators, including 31 children and 3 medical workers, and wounded more than 5,800 with live fire according to the Human Rights Watch.
13. Since the creation of Israel thousands of Palestinian lives have been lost due to Israeli action. Yet not a single Israeli is listed among the terrorist-extremists by this website.
14. I am curious about this website which cites itself as “Led by a renowned group of former world leaders and diplomats”. Who are they?
15. While they readily name others as extremists they are not prepared to identify those among themselves who meet their criteria. Among them would be those who supported Zionist State terrorism, the massacre at Deir Yassin, the displacement of Palestinians and killing those who refused. There are also numerous others, the hawkish leaders and diplomats who supported the so-called war on terror and masterminded the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, including coming up with the lies on the existence of weapons of mass destruction to justify the invasion.
16. It seems that I am vilified for my thoughts while others get away with acts of terror and violence resulting in death and destruction of the weak and the oppressed.
RULE OF LAW
1. I had previously pointed out that in Malaysia no one should act above the law, no matter how exalted is his or her position.
2. But it seems that the law at times allows itself to be used at the behest of those in positions of authority.
3. Those in charge of maintaining the law find themselves forced to abuse or misuse their authority by those in higher positions than themselves.
4. There is growing evidence, as reported in the media of abuses happening.
5. This is depressing. Malaysians should feel safe and protected by the law and not find themselves at the mercy of those in authority or in exalted positions.
6. Disrespect and abuse of the law will lead to anarchy with growing sentiment against the oppressors among the oppressed.
7. And those in exalted positions, repeated abusive behaviour will render themselves inconsequential to the lesser beings.