1.​Najib mendakwa bahawa sebabnya saya tidak sokongnya ialah kerana saya tidak dapat apa yang saya minta.

2.​Bagi diri saya tidak ada apa pun yang saya minta. Tawaran Kerajaan untuk memberi percuma tanah di Putrajaya diwaktu saya letak jawatan, seperti kepada bekas Perdana Menteri yang lain, pun saya tolak. Saya minta untuk membeli tanah di Putrajaya dan saya bayar satu juta untuk sekeping. Duit ini dari tabung simpanan saya selama 29 tahun dalam Kerajaan. Tak hutang.

3.​Hadiah yang diberi kepada saya semasa dalam Kerajaan saya pulangkan balik kepada Kerajaan. Semua boleh dilihat di Galeria Langkawi dan kediaman PM lama di Jalan Terengganu, off Jalan Damansara.

4.​Yang saya minta dari Najib ialah untuk negara dan untuk rakyat. Semuanya ditolak tetapi dalam PRU13 saya masih sokong Najib. Walaupun saya menyatakan Najib harus berhenti jika pencapaiannya dalam PRU 13 lebih buruk dari Abdullah dalam PRU 12, setelah kemenangannya dalam PRU 13 lebih buruk dari Abdullah saya masih terus menyokongnya sebagai Perdana Menteri.

5.​Hanya apabila rahsia hutang dan kerugian 1MDB terbongkar barulah saya tarik sokongan saya daripada Najib.

6.​Kalau kerana jambatan tidak dibina, sudah lama saya berhenti dari menyokongnya. Kalau kerana landasan berkembar elektrik tidak dibina dari Johor Bahru ke Padang Besar, sudah lama saya hentikan sokongan saya kepada Najib. Bukan kerana tidak layan permintaan saya untuk negara pun yang saya tarik sokongan saya dari Najib.

7.​Najib biasa datang jumpa saya untuk bertanya apa yang saya hendak. Saya fikir ia ikhlas dan saya pun sebut beberapa projek pembangunan untuk negara. Kemudian saya sedar ia sedang mencuba sogok saya dengan cara ini supaya saya tidak bangkit soal 1MDB.

8.​Tetapi kehilangan wang Kerajaan terlalu besar. Hanya kerana melayan saya tidak boleh dijadikan alasan bagi saya pejam mata berkenaan kehilangan duit Kerajaan berbillion-billion. Oleh itu saya teruskan juga membangkitkan soal 1MDB. Apatah lagi apabila 2.6 billion Ringgit tiba-tiba didapati ada dalam akaun persendirian Najib.

9.​Tidak pernah dalam sejarah Malaysia merdeka, Perdana Menteri Malaysia memiliki sebegitu banyak duit. Untuk apa tujuan pun Perdana Menteri Malaysia tidak harus memiliki 2.6 billion Ringgit.

10.​Yang jelas ialah tanpa duit yang begitu banyak, BN dan UMNO telah menang dengan berkali lebih baik dari Najib dalam PRU 13. Bukan wang yang boleh beri kemenangan. Khidmat pada rakyat dan keikhlasan niat yang memberi kemenangan bagi parti.

11. Kononnya duit ini diderma oleh penderma-penderma yang tidak suka dikenali. Mereka pula tidak sanggup memberi terus kepada UMNO tetapi sebagai “pemimpin” mereka sanggup beri hanya kepada Najib sebagai pemimpin untuk disimpan olehnya dalam akaun peribadi. Ini tidak masuk akal sama sekali melainkan ada niat untuk tidak menjelas dari mana duit itu datang, menyembunyi perbelanjaan.

12.​Tuduhan dibuat bahawa Bank Negara tahu. Apa buktinya Bank Negara tahu. Kenapa laporan dari Bank Negara ditolak oleh AG. Apakah AG tidak percaya kepada Bank Negara sedangkan kita dikehendaki percaya Bank Negara berkenaan sesuatu yang hanya disebut oleh Najib, tidak oleh Bank Negara.

13.​Adalah lebih meyakinkan jika laporan Bank Negara didedah daripada hanya Najib berkata Bank Negara tahu. Wang 50 million dan lebih yang dimasuk dalam mana-mana bank mesti mendapat kelulusan Bank Negara. Tunjuk sahaja bukti kelulusan Bank Negara berkenaan RM2.6 billion dan Najib akan dipercayai.

14.​Percubaan memburukkan nama saya dengan berkata saya juga menyebabkan wang Kerajaan hilang kerana tindakan dan pelaburan yang merugikan. Najib sendiri mengaku bahawa dalam perniagaan adakala untung adakala rugi. Yang utama ialah segala yang dilakukan ditulis dalam akaun yang telus dan terbuka. Dan segala urusan dibuat oleh pengawai Kerajaan yang bertanggungjawab. Saya tidak terlibat dengan pengurusan terutama pengurusan modal wang. Tugas saya tamat dengan melulus pelaburan. Saya tidak menjadi pengurus atau penasihat eksekutif.

15.​Sebaliknya Najib menubuh 1MDB yang dibiayai sebanyak 1 juta sahaja oleh Kerajaan. Najib juga menjadi Penasihat kepada 1MDB.

16.​1MDB hutang RM42 billion Ringgit iaitu 42,000 kali ganda lebih besar dari modal. Wang ini dipinjam dengan faedah yang amat tinggi dan komisyen kepada Golden Sachs berjumlah 10%.

17.​Wang ini diguna untuk beli stesen janakuasa yang usang dan hampir tamat lesen dengan harga lebih tinggi dari harga pasaran. Hutang sebanyak RM 8 billion diambil alih menjadi jumlah hutang RM50 billion.

18.​Stesyen digabung menjadi Edra. Tetapi pulangan begitu rendah sehingga tidak dapat bayar faedah dan terpaksa dijual. Ia tidak boleh disenarai kerana akaunnya tidak dapat disah oleh juruaudit. Ia terpaksa dijual kepada syarikat negara Cina kerana TNB tidak dapat bayar harga yang boleh selesaikan hutang sebanyak RM 18 billion.

19.​Baki hutang diguna untuk beli tanah Kerajaan dengan harga yang amat murah iaitu RM 60 skp sedangkan tanah berdekatan dijual dengan harga RM7000 skp. Harga belian tanah lapangan terbang tidak disebut.

20.​Tanah yang diduduki oleh setinggan di Pulau Pinang dibeli dengan harga yang amat tinggi. Sukar untuk dibangun.

21.​Percubaan dibuat untuk jual tanah Jalan Tun Razak yang dibeli dengan harga RM60 skp dari Kerajaan, kepada Tabung Haji dengan harga RM3000 skp (50 kali ganda harga beli). Wajarkah Kerajaan rugi sebanyak RM2940 skp. Inikah perniagaan stategik 1MDB?

22.​Apakah saya pernah buat perkara-perkara seperti ini? Buktikan. Jangan tuduh melulu.

23.​Kononnya ekonomi negara tidak teruk.

24.​Hakikatnya nilai Ringgit dan harga saham jatuh dengan teruk. Kos sara hidup meningkat dengan GST, subsidi minyak diturunkan, tol dan tambang dinaikkan dll.

25.​Pendapatan dinaikkan tetapi daya beli turun kerana nilai Ringgit jatuh. Pengangguran bertambah, termasuk dikalangan lulusan universiti. Perniagaan dan industry menghadapi masalah yang tidak dapat diatasi.

26.​Apakah saya yang merosakkan imej negara?

27.​Akhbar dunia telah melaporkan berkenaan Jho Low dan persahabatannya dengan Najib, cara hidupnya dan pembelian rumah mewah, pembiayaan filem Wolf of Wall Street bersama anak tiri Najib jauh lebih awal dari sebutan 1MDB oleh saya. Semua ini yang memburukkan imej negara. Ia menjadi lebih buruk kerana laporan tentang pelaburan 1MDB, dan kemudian wang yang terdapat dalam akaun peribadi Najib sebanyak RM 2.6 billion.

28.​Jika ada sesiapa yang merosakkan imej Negara, ia adalah Dato Sri Najib sendiri. Sebelum ini imej Negara amat baik.

29.​Jika apa yang dituduh Najib lakukan fitnah, Najib harus membuktikan semuanya tidak benar. Bahkan Najib perlu saman malu akhbar-akhbar yang melapor. Walaupun kononnya tindakan akan diambil, tetapi tidak ada apa-apa tindakan selain dari menakutkan sesiapa yang membuat teguran atau melapor kepada polis dengan disoal siasat oleh polis, dimasuk dalam tahanan dan dihadapkan kepada mahkamah. Tidak pernah terjadi dimana-mana bahawa orang yang melapor jenayah kepada polis dituduh mensabotaj demokrasi atau menguling Kerajaan. Juga peguam pihak yang mengadu disoal oleh polis dan dimasuk dalam tahanan.

30.​Orang kampung mungkin tidak kisah. Sebabnya mungkin kerana akhbar tidak dibenar melapor. Tetapi hanya kerana orang kampung tidak ambil kisah, maka perbuatannya curang dan jenayah masih tidak boleh dihalalkan.

ENG VERSION
NAJIB’S BRIEFING

1. Najib claimed that the reason I do not support him is because I do not get what I asked for.

2. For my own self there is nothing that I asked for. I also refused Government’s offer of free land in Putrajaya at the time I resigned, just as offered to other former Prime Ministers. I offered to buy the land in Putrajaya and I paid a million for a piece. This money is from my savings fund after 29 years in government. No loan.

3. Gifts given to me while in Government I returned to the Government. All these can be seen at Galeria Langkawi and the old Prime Minister’s residence in Jalan Terengganu, off Jalan Damansara.

4. All that I ask from Najib is for the nation and for the people. All were rejected but in the GE13 I still supported Najib. Although I said Najib must resign if his achievement in the 13th General Election is worse that Abdullah in the 12th General Election, and indeed he fared worse than Abdullah despite victory in the 13th General Election, I still supported him as prime minister.

5. Only when the secret debts and losses of 1MDB were uncovered that I pulled back my support for Najib.

6. If it is just because the bridge was not built, I would have long ceased to support him. If it is just because the electrified double track from Johor Bahru to Padang Besar was not built, I would have long ceased my support to Najib. It is not merely because he did not entertain requests for the nation that I withdrew my support for Najib.

7. Najib used to come to see me to ask me what I wanted. I thought he was sincere, and I mentioned several development projects for the nation. Then I realized he was trying to bribe me this way so that I do not bring up the question of 1MDB.

8. But the loss of Government fund is too big. By just being entertained is no excuse for me to close my eyes on the loss of billions of Government money. So I kept on raising the question of 1MDB. What more, when 2.6 billion Ringgit suddenly appeared in the personal account of Najib.

9. Never in the history of independent Malaysia, has the Prime Minister of Malaysia so much money. For whatever purpose the Prime Minister should not have 2.6 billion Ringgit.

10. What is clear is that even without so much money, BN and UMNO has won so many times better than Najib in 13th General Election. It is not money that brought victory. It is service to the people and sincerity of intentions that gave victory to the party.

11. Apparently the money was donated by donors who do not like to be identified. They were not prepared to give direct to UMNO but as a “leader” they are prepared to pay just to Najib as a leader for him to keep in a personal account. This makes no sense at all unless there is an intention to not explain where the money came from, to conceal expenses.

12. An allegation was made that the Bank knew. If Bank Negara knew what is the evidence. Why was the report of Bank Negara rejected by AG. Was it because AG did not believe Bank Negara whereas we are required to believe Bank Negara in respect of something mentioned only by Najib, but not by Bank Negara.

13. It will more convincing if the report of the National Bank be exposed rather than only Najib saying Bank Negara knew. Any money of 50 million and more deposited into any bank must obtain the approval of Bank Negara. Just show documentary evidence of the approval by Bank Negara of the RM2.6 billion and Najib will be believed.

14. Attempts were made to discredit me by saying I also lost Government money because of actions and money losing investments. Najib himself admitted that in business sometimes there are profits and sometimes losses. The key is everything must be accounted for in a transparent and in an open manner. And all transactions are done by responsible Government officers. I was not involved in management particularly management of capital funds. My job ends with approval of the investment. I am not a manager or executive advisor.

15. On the other hand Najib established 1MDB financed only 1 million by the Government. He also became adviser to 1MDB.

16. 1MDB borrowed RM42 billion which is 42,000 times larger than the capital. Money was borrowed at very high interest and commission to Golden Sachs stood at 10%.

17. This money was used to buy power stations which were obsolete and with almost expired license at a price higher than the market price. Debts of RM 8 billion were assumed and total debts now stood at RM50 billion.

18. The stations were merged into Edra. But the returns are so low that it cannot pay interest and had to be sold. It could not be listed because its accounts cannot be verified by the auditors. It had to be sold to a company from China as TNB could not pay a price that can resolve the debt of RM18 billion.

19. The balance of the borrowings were used to buy government land at a greatly reduced price of RM60 psf, while adjacent lands sold for RM7,000 psf. The purchase price of the airport land is not mentioned.

20. The land occupied by squatters was bought in Penang at a very high price. Difficult to develop.

21. An attempt was made to sell the land at Jalan Tun Razak purchased at the price of RM60 psf from the Government to Tabung Haji at RM3,000 psf (50 times the purchase price). Should the Government lose RM2,940 psf. Is this 1MDB strategic business?

22. Did I do things like this? Prove. Not just wild accusations.

23. It seemed that the economy is not in a bad state.

24. The fact is, the value of the Ringgit and share prices has fallen drastically. The cost of living rose with GST, fuel subsidies reduced, tolls and fares increased, etc.

25. Income increased but purchasing power decreased because the value of Ringgit fell. Unemployment is increasing, including among university graduates. Business and industry face insurmountable problems.

26. Am I damaging the country’s image?

27. The world press have reported much earlier about Jho Low and his friendship with Najib, his way of life and luxury house purchases, his financing of the film “Wolf of Wall Street” with Najib’s stepson, than the mention of 1MDB by me. All these are demonizing the country. It is made worse by reports of 1MDB investments, and then the RM2.6 billion money in Najib’s personal account.

28. If there is anyone who is damaging the image of the nation, it must be Dato Sri Najib himself. Before this the image of the country has been good.

29. If what Najib have been accused of is just slander, Najib must prove they are not true. Najib should even sue the newspapers that reported. Although it seems action will be taken there has been none, other than frightening those who make complaints or report to the police with threats of being interrogated by the police, put into custody and brought before the court. It has never happened anywhere where people reporting crimes to the police are being accused of sabotaging democracy or attempting to overthrow the Government. Also lawyers of complainants are questioned by police and taken into custody.

30. The ordinary people may not be bothered. The reason may be because the press are not allowed to report. But just because ordinary people do not care, cheating and criminal actions still should not be legitimized.

1.​ Dalam kehidupan manusia, menghadapi cabaran adalah perkara biasa. Sudah tentu jika sesiapa mencebur diri dalam bidang politik, lebih banyak cabaran akan dihadapi. Jika ingin terus dalam bidang politik semua cabaran ini mesti diterima. Mereka yang tidak sanggup menghadapi dan mengatasi cabaran adalah lebih baik tinggal sahaja bidang politik.

2.​Semasa saya jadi presiden UMNO dan Perdana Menteri cabaran tidak pernah berhenti. Sudah tentu ada percubaan menjatuhkan saya sebagai presiden UMNO.

3.​Diantara cabaran yang terbesar ialah apabila Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah dicalonkan untuk bertanding jawatan presiden UMNO.

4.​Kita sudah terima sistem demokrasi dalam pemilihan pemimpin. Apa yang dilakukan oleh Tengku Razaleigh adalah sah dalam sistem demokrasi. Tiada apa yang boleh dilakukan oleh saya untuk mengelak dari dicabar olehnya.

5.​Maka Tengku Razaleigh dan ramai penyokong-penyokongnya berkempenlah di seluruh bahagian dan cawangan UMNO di seluruh Malaysia. Mereka bebas bertemu dengan ahli, cawangan dan bahagian-bahagian UMNO.

6.​Kedudukan Tengku Razaleigh sebagai Menteri Perdagangan dalam kerajaan tidak terjejas. Demikian juga ramai menteri-menteri dan pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO yang memihak kepadanya.

7.​Pengundian semasa mesyuarat agong UMNO berjalan dengan baik. Kerana terjatuh pada hari Jumaat, pengundian dihentikan dan kempen dapat diteruskan dikalangan perwakilan oleh penyokong Tengku Razaleigh.

8.​Perkiraan undi dibuat berkali-kali kerana ada yang tidak puas hati dengan keputusan. Hanya pada jam lapan malam barulah keputusan dapat diisytihar.

9.​Saya menang dengan kelebihan hanya 43 undi. Saya terima. Peristiwa yang berlaku selepas itu diketahui umum dan tidak perlu saya ulangi disini.

10.​Pada bulan Disember 2015 ini, Mesyuarat Agong UMNO akan diadakan.

11.​Tidak akan ada apa-apa pertandingan. Tetapi entah kenapa usaha sedang dibuat oleh UMNO supaya perbahasan berkenaan perkara tertentu, khususnya 1MDB dan wang sebanyak 2.6 billion Ringgit dalam akaun peribadi Dato Sri Najib tidak boleh dibangkit.

12.​Persidangan pula akan tertutup kepada orang ramai. Tidak semua dari ucapan perwakilan akan disiar. Hanya ucapan presiden sahaja akan disiar.

13.​Sepatutnya Muhyiddin Yassin, sebagai Timbalan Presiden akan membuka persidangan sayap – Pemuda, Wanita dan Puteri. Amaran sudah diberi supaya ahli UMNO tidak akan bercakap berkenaan perkara ini.

14.​Apakah jenis Mesyuarat Agong UMNO ini?

15.​Saya tidak akan bertanding untuk apa-apa jawatan. Tetapi usaha gigih sedang dijalan untuk menutup mulut saya, untuk menyekat saya dari berjumpa dengan ahli UMNO, bahkan orang ramai. Dewan dimana mesyuarat boleh diadakan yang dihadiri oleh saya tidak boleh didapati kerana semua pemilik takut didera oleh Kerajaan.

16. Ada iklim ketakutan yang menghalang segala kegiatan yang bersangkutan dengan mengkritik Kerajaan. Ia seolah-olah menjadi jenayah yang tidak tertulis. Tetapi dakwaan dibuat kononnya ini Negara demokrasi. Sesiapa yang cuba sabotaj demokrasi Malaysia boleh dikena penjara hingga 15 tahun. Tetapi sebenarnya yang mensabotaj demokrasi Malaysia ialah Kerajaan sendiri.

17. Bermacam jenis tekanan digunakan yang tidak demokratik.

18. Ada yang berhadapan dengan pemeriksaan pendapatan kononnya kerana tidak bayar cukai. Ada yang disoal siasat oleh polis. Ada yang dimasuk dalam tahanan tanpa berasas kepada undang-undang. Ada yang diugut akan kehilangan kontrak dll.

19.​Kata pepatah berani kerana benar; takut kerana salah. Apakah kerana salah yang takut sangat 1MDB dan 2.6 billion ringgit dibincang.

 

ENG VERSION
Facing Challenges

1. In human life, challenges are common. Of course if anyone engages in politics, there are more challenges to be faced. If you want to continue in politics these challenges must be accepted. Those who were not able to face and overcome these challenges it is better to leave the political field.

2. When I became president of UMNO and the Prime Minister challenges never stopped. Of course there were attempts to unseat me as UMNO president.

3. Among the biggest challenges was when Tengku Razaleigh was nominated to run for the presidency of UMNO.

4. We have accepted the democratic system in the selection of leaders. What Tengku Razaleigh did was legitimate in a democratic system. There was nothing I could do to avoid being challenged by him.

5. So Tengku Razaleigh and many of his supporters campaigned at party divisions and branches throughout Malaysia. They were free to meet with members, branches and divisions of UMNO.

6. Tengku Razaleigh’s position as Industry Minister in the government were not affected. Likewise, many ministers and UMNO leaders who sided with him.

7. Voting during UMNO general meeting went well. As it fell on Friday, voting was stopped and supporters of Tengku Razaleigh was able to continue campaigning among the delegates.

8. Counting of votes was made many times because there were some that were not happy with the results. It was only at eight o’clock at night that a decision can be declared.

9. I won by only 43 votes. I accepted. Events that occurred after that are well known and do not need me to repeat here.

10. This December 2015, the UMNO General Meeting will be held.

11. There would not be any election whatsoever. But somehow for whatever reason, efforts are being made by UMNO that debate on certain subject matters, especially 1MDB and the sum of 2.6 billion ringgit in the personal account of Dato Sri Najib, must not be raised.

12. The conference will be closed to the public. Not all speeches by delegates will be broadcasted. Only the president’s speech will be broadcasted.

13. By right Muhyiddin Yassin, as Deputy President will open the conference of the wings – youth, women and women’s youth. Warnings have been given so that UMNO members will not speak on this matter.

14. What kind of UMNO General Meeting is this?

15. I will not be running for any office. But big efforts are being made to silence me, to stop me from meeting with members of UMNO, even with the public. Conference rooms where meetings could be held which can be attended by me are not available as all owners fear reprimand by the Government.

16. There is a climate of fear which prevents all activities concerned with criticizing the Government. It seems to have become a non-written crime. But these allegations are made in this supposedly democratic country. Anyone who tries to sabotage democratic Malaysia is liable to be imprisoned up to 15 years. But in actual fact the government itself is sabotaging democratic Malaysia.

17. Various undemocratic pressures are being deployed.

18. There are people faced with inspection of their income, supposedly for not paying income taxes. There are people being questioned by police. Some are detained not based on any law. Some are threatened with loss of contracts etc.

19. As the saying goes, courage because of truth, fear because of wrongdoings. Is it because of wrongdoings that there is so much fear for 1MDB and 2.6 billion ringgit being discussed.

1. The Deputy Prime Minister made reference to the separation of power when commenting on the statement of the Rulers over the need for investigations on 1MDB and the 2.6 billion Ringgit in Najib’s account to be expedited. Is this a breach of the assumed separation of powers between the Rulers and the Government?

2. It is true that the Agong and the Malay Rulers are constitutional monarchs. But that does not mean that they are just rubber stamps to validate all the acts of their governments.

3. Sec 39 of the Federal Constitution (State constitutions follow closely that of the Federal constitution) states clearly that “The executive authority of the Federation shall be vested in the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and exercisable, subject to the provision of any Federal law and of the Second Schedule, by him or any Minister authorised by the Cabinet, but the Parliament may by law confer executive functions on other persons.

4. Section 40 states clearly that the Agong shall be entitled, at his request to any information available to the Cabinet.

5. These two sections clearly gives the Yang di-Pertuan Agong some executive roles.

6. Section 40 para (2) clearly states the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may act in his discretion in the performance of;

a) the appointment of the Prime Minister

b) the withholding of consent to a request for dissolution of Parliament

c) Federal law may make provisions for requiring the Agong to act after consultation with or on the recommendation of any person or body of persons

7. In the recent past we have seen Rulers rejecting nominees by the majority party for the office of Menteri Besar.

8. Should the Prime Minister request for the dissolution of Parliament, the Agong may reject.

9. Again we see here that the Agong and the Rulers may act on their own discretion. They may also consult and accept recommendations of any person or body of persons.

10. Obviously if petitions are made or there is a public clamour, the rulers may not have to listen only to the Cabinet.

11. Section 41 unequivocally states that the Yang di- Pertuan Agong shall be the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of the Federation. Clearly it is not just the privilege of wearing the uniform.

12. What is clear is that nothing in the Constitution talks about the separation of power between the Government and the Agong. In fact in many instances the Agong may act at his own discretion.

13. And the Agong may listen to other people than the Cabinet. This is only as it should be as failure of the Cabinet to address complaints by the people may require the Agong and the Rulers to urge the Government to respond.

14. In making their statement the Rulers were not in any way exceeding the provisions of the constitution. They were in fact abiding by the provisions of the constitution.

15. On the other hand the same cannot be said regarding the principle of the separation of powers between the legislative, the executive and the judiciary.

16. Currently the Prime Minister as head of the elected legislators is clearly not respecting these principles.

17. For example officers of the administration who were investigating 1MDB and the 2.6 billion Ringgit account have been transferred out to the Prime Minister’s Office, resulting in their stopping their work. Their replacements apparently was with approvals of the Prime Minister.

18. Officers of the MACC have been similarly treated, again resulting in the investigations being obstructed.

19. The Attorney-General, a member of the judicial establishment have been removed while he was carrying out the task of preparing the said case for the courts. In his place a judge was transferred to take over as AG. This is actually usurping the powers of the judiciary.

20. The AG was said to be sick, but he denied he was sick. As far as is known no medical certificate certifying that he was sick seem to have been issued.

21. All these are public knowledge. The Rulers may have heard and probably received petitions on the authoritarian disregard for the law and rules of Government.

22. The citizens of this country are the subjects of the Rulers. As Rulers they must care for the welfare of the people.

23. If in their opinion the Government should allow expeditious investigations to be carried over the issues of concern to the people and the country it is the duty of the Ruler to make known to the Government the dissatisfaction of the people over the issue and to ask for the matter to be attended to.

VERSI BM
PENGASINGAN KUASA

1. Timbalan Perdana Menteri merujuk kepada pengasingan kuasa apabila mengulas kenyataan Raja-Raja mengenai keperluan mempercepatkan penyiasatan ke atas 1MDB dan RM2.6 bilion dalam akaun Najib. Adakah ini satu pelanggaran pengasingan kuasa yang diandaikan antara Raja-Raja dan Kerajaan?

2. Ianya benar bahawa Agong dan Raja-Raja Melayu adalah raja berperlembagaan. Tetapi itu tidak bermakna bahawa mereka adalah pak turut semata-mata untuk mengesahkan semua tindakan Kerajaan.

3. Perkara 39 Perlembagaan Persekutuan (Perlembagaan Negeri mengikuti Perlembagaan Persekutuan) menyatakan dengan jelas bahawa “Kuasa Eksekutif Persekutuan hendaklah terletak kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong dan, tertakluk kepada peruntukan mana-mana Undang-Undang Persekutuan dan peruntukan Jadual Kedua, dijalankan olehnya atau mana-mana Menteri yang diberi kuasa oleh Jemaah Menteri, tetapi Parlimen boleh, melalui undang-undang, memberikan fungsi eksekutif kepada individu lain.”

4. Perkara 40 menyatakan dengan jelas bahawa Agong adalah berhak, atas permintaannya, mendapat segala maklumat yang ada kepada Kabinet.

5. Kedua-dua bahagian ini jelas memberikan Yang di-Pertuan Agong beberapa peranan eksekutif.

6. Perkara 40 Peranggan (2) jelas menyatakan Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh bertindak menurut budi bicaranya dalam melaksanakan fungsi:

a) melantik seorang Perdana Menteri

b) tidak memperkenankan permintaan bagi pembubaran Parlimen

c) Undang-Undang Persekutuan boleh membuat peruntukan bagi mengkehendaki Agong bertindak selepas berunding dengan atau atas cadangan mana-mana individu atau sekumpulan individu.

7. Pada kebelakangan ini, kita melihat Raja-Raja telah menolak pencalonan oleh parti majoriti bagi jawatan Menteri Besar.

8. Sekiranya Perdana Menteri meminta untuk membubarkan Parlimen, Agong boleh menolak.

9. Sekali lagi kita lihat di sini bahawa Yang di-Pertuan Agong dan Raja-Raja boleh bertindak atas budi bicara mereka sendiri. Mereka juga boleh berunding dan menerima cadangan daripada mana-mana individu atau kumpulan individu.

10. Jelas sekali jika petisyen telah dibuat atau ada suara desakan ramai, Raja-Raja tidak perlu hanya mendengar Kabinet.

11. Seksyen 41 tanpa ragu-ragu menyatakan bahawa Yang di-Pertuan Agong hendaklah menjadi Pemerintah Tertinggi Angkatan Tentera Persekutuan. Jelas sekali ini bukan sahaja hak istimewa untuk pemakaian seragam tersebut.

12. Apa yang jelas ialah tiada apa jua dalam Perlembagaan yang bercakap mengenai pengasingan kuasa di antara Kerajaan dan Agong. Malah dalam kebanyakkan keadaan, Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh bertindak mengikut budi bicara sendiri.

13. Dan Agong boleh mendengar individu selain daripada Kabinet. Inilah sebenar hakikat yang diharapkan kerana kegagalan Kabinet untuk menangani aduan rakyat memerlukan Agong dan Raja-Raja menggesa Kerajaan untuk bertindak balas.

14. Dalam membuat kenyataan mereka, Raja-Raja tidak berada dalam keadaan melebihi had peruntukan Perlembagaan. Mereka sebenarnya mematuhi peruntukan perlembagaan.

15. Sebaliknya, yang sama tidak boleh dikatakan mengenai prinsip pengasingan kuasa antara perundangan, eksekutif dan kehakiman.

16. Pada masa ini, Perdana Menteri, sebagai ketua penggubal undang-undang yang dipilih, secara jelas tidak menghormati prinsip-prinsip ini.

17. Sebagai contoh pegawai-pegawai pentadbiran yang sedang menyiasat 1MDB dan akaun RM2.6 bilion telah dipindahkan ke Jabatan Perdana Menteri, menyebabkan pemberhentian kerja mereka. Penggantian mereka adalah ketara dengan kelulusan Perdana Menteri.

18. Pegawai-pegawai SPRM telah diberi layanan yang sama, sekali lagi menyebabkan siasatan terhalang.

19. Peguam Negara, seorang ahli badan kehakiman telah disingkirkan ketika beliau menjalankan tugas menyediakan kes tersebut untuk mahkamah. Di tempat beliau seorang hakim telah dipindahkan untuk mengambil alih tugas sebagai Peguam Negara. Ini sebenarnya perampasan kuasa badan kehakiman.

20. Peguam Negara dikatakan sakit, tetapi dia menafikan dirinya sakit. Setakat yang diketahui, tiada sijil perubatan yang mengesahkan bahawa dia sakit telah dikeluarkan.

21. Semua ini adalah pengetahuan umum. Raja-Raja mungkin pernah mendengar dan mungkin juga menerima petisyen mengenai sikap pengabaian secara authoritarian undang-undang dan peraturan Kerajaan.

22. Rakyat negara ini adalah subjek Raja-Raja. Sebagai Raja-Raja mereka perlu menjaga kebajikan rakyat.

23. Jika pada pendapat mereka, Kerajaan perlu membenarkan siasatan cepat dan cekap dijalankan ke atas isu-isu yang penting kepada rakyat dan negara ini, adalah kewajipan Raja untuk memaklumkan kepada Kerajaan rasa tidak puas hati rakyat dengan isu ini dan meminta perkara ini diberi perhatian.

1. The Attorney Generals Chambers have cleared 1MDB of any wrongdoings with regard to the use of the funds approved by Bank Negara for foreign investments.

2. But Bank Negara is obviously not satisfied and appealed to the AG without any change in the report. Again the AG rejected the appeal.

3. We know of course that the AG is empowered to decide whether a case should go to court or not. The presumption is that the AG would appreciate and understand the seriousness or otherwise of the case before him, that he would appreciate the concern of the complainant or agency making the report, that if there is dissatisfaction the case should be judged in a court of law by a judge and if still dissatisfied that an appeal be allowed.

4. That should be the way. But it would seem that the AG has made the judgement, rejecting the case as having no merit for a hearing in a court of law. And when an appeal is made, the appeal is dismissed by him on grounds which are not clear. There is a lack of transparency here.

5. Is this the rule of law that this country is supposed to uphold? Is the AG higher than a judge, that his judgement is final and there can be no appeal?

Continue reading 1 MDB CLEARED →