1.​ Dalam kehidupan manusia, menghadapi cabaran adalah perkara biasa. Sudah tentu jika sesiapa mencebur diri dalam bidang politik, lebih banyak cabaran akan dihadapi. Jika ingin terus dalam bidang politik semua cabaran ini mesti diterima. Mereka yang tidak sanggup menghadapi dan mengatasi cabaran adalah lebih baik tinggal sahaja bidang politik.

2.​Semasa saya jadi presiden UMNO dan Perdana Menteri cabaran tidak pernah berhenti. Sudah tentu ada percubaan menjatuhkan saya sebagai presiden UMNO.

3.​Diantara cabaran yang terbesar ialah apabila Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah dicalonkan untuk bertanding jawatan presiden UMNO.

4.​Kita sudah terima sistem demokrasi dalam pemilihan pemimpin. Apa yang dilakukan oleh Tengku Razaleigh adalah sah dalam sistem demokrasi. Tiada apa yang boleh dilakukan oleh saya untuk mengelak dari dicabar olehnya.

5.​Maka Tengku Razaleigh dan ramai penyokong-penyokongnya berkempenlah di seluruh bahagian dan cawangan UMNO di seluruh Malaysia. Mereka bebas bertemu dengan ahli, cawangan dan bahagian-bahagian UMNO.

6.​Kedudukan Tengku Razaleigh sebagai Menteri Perdagangan dalam kerajaan tidak terjejas. Demikian juga ramai menteri-menteri dan pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO yang memihak kepadanya.

7.​Pengundian semasa mesyuarat agong UMNO berjalan dengan baik. Kerana terjatuh pada hari Jumaat, pengundian dihentikan dan kempen dapat diteruskan dikalangan perwakilan oleh penyokong Tengku Razaleigh.

8.​Perkiraan undi dibuat berkali-kali kerana ada yang tidak puas hati dengan keputusan. Hanya pada jam lapan malam barulah keputusan dapat diisytihar.

9.​Saya menang dengan kelebihan hanya 43 undi. Saya terima. Peristiwa yang berlaku selepas itu diketahui umum dan tidak perlu saya ulangi disini.

10.​Pada bulan Disember 2015 ini, Mesyuarat Agong UMNO akan diadakan.

11.​Tidak akan ada apa-apa pertandingan. Tetapi entah kenapa usaha sedang dibuat oleh UMNO supaya perbahasan berkenaan perkara tertentu, khususnya 1MDB dan wang sebanyak 2.6 billion Ringgit dalam akaun peribadi Dato Sri Najib tidak boleh dibangkit.

12.​Persidangan pula akan tertutup kepada orang ramai. Tidak semua dari ucapan perwakilan akan disiar. Hanya ucapan presiden sahaja akan disiar.

13.​Sepatutnya Muhyiddin Yassin, sebagai Timbalan Presiden akan membuka persidangan sayap – Pemuda, Wanita dan Puteri. Amaran sudah diberi supaya ahli UMNO tidak akan bercakap berkenaan perkara ini.

14.​Apakah jenis Mesyuarat Agong UMNO ini?

15.​Saya tidak akan bertanding untuk apa-apa jawatan. Tetapi usaha gigih sedang dijalan untuk menutup mulut saya, untuk menyekat saya dari berjumpa dengan ahli UMNO, bahkan orang ramai. Dewan dimana mesyuarat boleh diadakan yang dihadiri oleh saya tidak boleh didapati kerana semua pemilik takut didera oleh Kerajaan.

16. Ada iklim ketakutan yang menghalang segala kegiatan yang bersangkutan dengan mengkritik Kerajaan. Ia seolah-olah menjadi jenayah yang tidak tertulis. Tetapi dakwaan dibuat kononnya ini Negara demokrasi. Sesiapa yang cuba sabotaj demokrasi Malaysia boleh dikena penjara hingga 15 tahun. Tetapi sebenarnya yang mensabotaj demokrasi Malaysia ialah Kerajaan sendiri.

17. Bermacam jenis tekanan digunakan yang tidak demokratik.

18. Ada yang berhadapan dengan pemeriksaan pendapatan kononnya kerana tidak bayar cukai. Ada yang disoal siasat oleh polis. Ada yang dimasuk dalam tahanan tanpa berasas kepada undang-undang. Ada yang diugut akan kehilangan kontrak dll.

19.​Kata pepatah berani kerana benar; takut kerana salah. Apakah kerana salah yang takut sangat 1MDB dan 2.6 billion ringgit dibincang.

 

ENG VERSION
Facing Challenges

1. In human life, challenges are common. Of course if anyone engages in politics, there are more challenges to be faced. If you want to continue in politics these challenges must be accepted. Those who were not able to face and overcome these challenges it is better to leave the political field.

2. When I became president of UMNO and the Prime Minister challenges never stopped. Of course there were attempts to unseat me as UMNO president.

3. Among the biggest challenges was when Tengku Razaleigh was nominated to run for the presidency of UMNO.

4. We have accepted the democratic system in the selection of leaders. What Tengku Razaleigh did was legitimate in a democratic system. There was nothing I could do to avoid being challenged by him.

5. So Tengku Razaleigh and many of his supporters campaigned at party divisions and branches throughout Malaysia. They were free to meet with members, branches and divisions of UMNO.

6. Tengku Razaleigh’s position as Industry Minister in the government were not affected. Likewise, many ministers and UMNO leaders who sided with him.

7. Voting during UMNO general meeting went well. As it fell on Friday, voting was stopped and supporters of Tengku Razaleigh was able to continue campaigning among the delegates.

8. Counting of votes was made many times because there were some that were not happy with the results. It was only at eight o’clock at night that a decision can be declared.

9. I won by only 43 votes. I accepted. Events that occurred after that are well known and do not need me to repeat here.

10. This December 2015, the UMNO General Meeting will be held.

11. There would not be any election whatsoever. But somehow for whatever reason, efforts are being made by UMNO that debate on certain subject matters, especially 1MDB and the sum of 2.6 billion ringgit in the personal account of Dato Sri Najib, must not be raised.

12. The conference will be closed to the public. Not all speeches by delegates will be broadcasted. Only the president’s speech will be broadcasted.

13. By right Muhyiddin Yassin, as Deputy President will open the conference of the wings – youth, women and women’s youth. Warnings have been given so that UMNO members will not speak on this matter.

14. What kind of UMNO General Meeting is this?

15. I will not be running for any office. But big efforts are being made to silence me, to stop me from meeting with members of UMNO, even with the public. Conference rooms where meetings could be held which can be attended by me are not available as all owners fear reprimand by the Government.

16. There is a climate of fear which prevents all activities concerned with criticizing the Government. It seems to have become a non-written crime. But these allegations are made in this supposedly democratic country. Anyone who tries to sabotage democratic Malaysia is liable to be imprisoned up to 15 years. But in actual fact the government itself is sabotaging democratic Malaysia.

17. Various undemocratic pressures are being deployed.

18. There are people faced with inspection of their income, supposedly for not paying income taxes. There are people being questioned by police. Some are detained not based on any law. Some are threatened with loss of contracts etc.

19. As the saying goes, courage because of truth, fear because of wrongdoings. Is it because of wrongdoings that there is so much fear for 1MDB and 2.6 billion ringgit being discussed.

1. The Deputy Prime Minister made reference to the separation of power when commenting on the statement of the Rulers over the need for investigations on 1MDB and the 2.6 billion Ringgit in Najib’s account to be expedited. Is this a breach of the assumed separation of powers between the Rulers and the Government?

2. It is true that the Agong and the Malay Rulers are constitutional monarchs. But that does not mean that they are just rubber stamps to validate all the acts of their governments.

3. Sec 39 of the Federal Constitution (State constitutions follow closely that of the Federal constitution) states clearly that “The executive authority of the Federation shall be vested in the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and exercisable, subject to the provision of any Federal law and of the Second Schedule, by him or any Minister authorised by the Cabinet, but the Parliament may by law confer executive functions on other persons.

4. Section 40 states clearly that the Agong shall be entitled, at his request to any information available to the Cabinet.

5. These two sections clearly gives the Yang di-Pertuan Agong some executive roles.

6. Section 40 para (2) clearly states the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may act in his discretion in the performance of;

a) the appointment of the Prime Minister

b) the withholding of consent to a request for dissolution of Parliament

c) Federal law may make provisions for requiring the Agong to act after consultation with or on the recommendation of any person or body of persons

7. In the recent past we have seen Rulers rejecting nominees by the majority party for the office of Menteri Besar.

8. Should the Prime Minister request for the dissolution of Parliament, the Agong may reject.

9. Again we see here that the Agong and the Rulers may act on their own discretion. They may also consult and accept recommendations of any person or body of persons.

10. Obviously if petitions are made or there is a public clamour, the rulers may not have to listen only to the Cabinet.

11. Section 41 unequivocally states that the Yang di- Pertuan Agong shall be the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of the Federation. Clearly it is not just the privilege of wearing the uniform.

12. What is clear is that nothing in the Constitution talks about the separation of power between the Government and the Agong. In fact in many instances the Agong may act at his own discretion.

13. And the Agong may listen to other people than the Cabinet. This is only as it should be as failure of the Cabinet to address complaints by the people may require the Agong and the Rulers to urge the Government to respond.

14. In making their statement the Rulers were not in any way exceeding the provisions of the constitution. They were in fact abiding by the provisions of the constitution.

15. On the other hand the same cannot be said regarding the principle of the separation of powers between the legislative, the executive and the judiciary.

16. Currently the Prime Minister as head of the elected legislators is clearly not respecting these principles.

17. For example officers of the administration who were investigating 1MDB and the 2.6 billion Ringgit account have been transferred out to the Prime Minister’s Office, resulting in their stopping their work. Their replacements apparently was with approvals of the Prime Minister.

18. Officers of the MACC have been similarly treated, again resulting in the investigations being obstructed.

19. The Attorney-General, a member of the judicial establishment have been removed while he was carrying out the task of preparing the said case for the courts. In his place a judge was transferred to take over as AG. This is actually usurping the powers of the judiciary.

20. The AG was said to be sick, but he denied he was sick. As far as is known no medical certificate certifying that he was sick seem to have been issued.

21. All these are public knowledge. The Rulers may have heard and probably received petitions on the authoritarian disregard for the law and rules of Government.

22. The citizens of this country are the subjects of the Rulers. As Rulers they must care for the welfare of the people.

23. If in their opinion the Government should allow expeditious investigations to be carried over the issues of concern to the people and the country it is the duty of the Ruler to make known to the Government the dissatisfaction of the people over the issue and to ask for the matter to be attended to.

VERSI BM
PENGASINGAN KUASA

1. Timbalan Perdana Menteri merujuk kepada pengasingan kuasa apabila mengulas kenyataan Raja-Raja mengenai keperluan mempercepatkan penyiasatan ke atas 1MDB dan RM2.6 bilion dalam akaun Najib. Adakah ini satu pelanggaran pengasingan kuasa yang diandaikan antara Raja-Raja dan Kerajaan?

2. Ianya benar bahawa Agong dan Raja-Raja Melayu adalah raja berperlembagaan. Tetapi itu tidak bermakna bahawa mereka adalah pak turut semata-mata untuk mengesahkan semua tindakan Kerajaan.

3. Perkara 39 Perlembagaan Persekutuan (Perlembagaan Negeri mengikuti Perlembagaan Persekutuan) menyatakan dengan jelas bahawa “Kuasa Eksekutif Persekutuan hendaklah terletak kepada Yang di-Pertuan Agong dan, tertakluk kepada peruntukan mana-mana Undang-Undang Persekutuan dan peruntukan Jadual Kedua, dijalankan olehnya atau mana-mana Menteri yang diberi kuasa oleh Jemaah Menteri, tetapi Parlimen boleh, melalui undang-undang, memberikan fungsi eksekutif kepada individu lain.”

4. Perkara 40 menyatakan dengan jelas bahawa Agong adalah berhak, atas permintaannya, mendapat segala maklumat yang ada kepada Kabinet.

5. Kedua-dua bahagian ini jelas memberikan Yang di-Pertuan Agong beberapa peranan eksekutif.

6. Perkara 40 Peranggan (2) jelas menyatakan Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh bertindak menurut budi bicaranya dalam melaksanakan fungsi:

a) melantik seorang Perdana Menteri

b) tidak memperkenankan permintaan bagi pembubaran Parlimen

c) Undang-Undang Persekutuan boleh membuat peruntukan bagi mengkehendaki Agong bertindak selepas berunding dengan atau atas cadangan mana-mana individu atau sekumpulan individu.

7. Pada kebelakangan ini, kita melihat Raja-Raja telah menolak pencalonan oleh parti majoriti bagi jawatan Menteri Besar.

8. Sekiranya Perdana Menteri meminta untuk membubarkan Parlimen, Agong boleh menolak.

9. Sekali lagi kita lihat di sini bahawa Yang di-Pertuan Agong dan Raja-Raja boleh bertindak atas budi bicara mereka sendiri. Mereka juga boleh berunding dan menerima cadangan daripada mana-mana individu atau kumpulan individu.

10. Jelas sekali jika petisyen telah dibuat atau ada suara desakan ramai, Raja-Raja tidak perlu hanya mendengar Kabinet.

11. Seksyen 41 tanpa ragu-ragu menyatakan bahawa Yang di-Pertuan Agong hendaklah menjadi Pemerintah Tertinggi Angkatan Tentera Persekutuan. Jelas sekali ini bukan sahaja hak istimewa untuk pemakaian seragam tersebut.

12. Apa yang jelas ialah tiada apa jua dalam Perlembagaan yang bercakap mengenai pengasingan kuasa di antara Kerajaan dan Agong. Malah dalam kebanyakkan keadaan, Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh bertindak mengikut budi bicara sendiri.

13. Dan Agong boleh mendengar individu selain daripada Kabinet. Inilah sebenar hakikat yang diharapkan kerana kegagalan Kabinet untuk menangani aduan rakyat memerlukan Agong dan Raja-Raja menggesa Kerajaan untuk bertindak balas.

14. Dalam membuat kenyataan mereka, Raja-Raja tidak berada dalam keadaan melebihi had peruntukan Perlembagaan. Mereka sebenarnya mematuhi peruntukan perlembagaan.

15. Sebaliknya, yang sama tidak boleh dikatakan mengenai prinsip pengasingan kuasa antara perundangan, eksekutif dan kehakiman.

16. Pada masa ini, Perdana Menteri, sebagai ketua penggubal undang-undang yang dipilih, secara jelas tidak menghormati prinsip-prinsip ini.

17. Sebagai contoh pegawai-pegawai pentadbiran yang sedang menyiasat 1MDB dan akaun RM2.6 bilion telah dipindahkan ke Jabatan Perdana Menteri, menyebabkan pemberhentian kerja mereka. Penggantian mereka adalah ketara dengan kelulusan Perdana Menteri.

18. Pegawai-pegawai SPRM telah diberi layanan yang sama, sekali lagi menyebabkan siasatan terhalang.

19. Peguam Negara, seorang ahli badan kehakiman telah disingkirkan ketika beliau menjalankan tugas menyediakan kes tersebut untuk mahkamah. Di tempat beliau seorang hakim telah dipindahkan untuk mengambil alih tugas sebagai Peguam Negara. Ini sebenarnya perampasan kuasa badan kehakiman.

20. Peguam Negara dikatakan sakit, tetapi dia menafikan dirinya sakit. Setakat yang diketahui, tiada sijil perubatan yang mengesahkan bahawa dia sakit telah dikeluarkan.

21. Semua ini adalah pengetahuan umum. Raja-Raja mungkin pernah mendengar dan mungkin juga menerima petisyen mengenai sikap pengabaian secara authoritarian undang-undang dan peraturan Kerajaan.

22. Rakyat negara ini adalah subjek Raja-Raja. Sebagai Raja-Raja mereka perlu menjaga kebajikan rakyat.

23. Jika pada pendapat mereka, Kerajaan perlu membenarkan siasatan cepat dan cekap dijalankan ke atas isu-isu yang penting kepada rakyat dan negara ini, adalah kewajipan Raja untuk memaklumkan kepada Kerajaan rasa tidak puas hati rakyat dengan isu ini dan meminta perkara ini diberi perhatian.

1. The Attorney Generals Chambers have cleared 1MDB of any wrongdoings with regard to the use of the funds approved by Bank Negara for foreign investments.

2. But Bank Negara is obviously not satisfied and appealed to the AG without any change in the report. Again the AG rejected the appeal.

3. We know of course that the AG is empowered to decide whether a case should go to court or not. The presumption is that the AG would appreciate and understand the seriousness or otherwise of the case before him, that he would appreciate the concern of the complainant or agency making the report, that if there is dissatisfaction the case should be judged in a court of law by a judge and if still dissatisfied that an appeal be allowed.

4. That should be the way. But it would seem that the AG has made the judgement, rejecting the case as having no merit for a hearing in a court of law. And when an appeal is made, the appeal is dismissed by him on grounds which are not clear. There is a lack of transparency here.

5. Is this the rule of law that this country is supposed to uphold? Is the AG higher than a judge, that his judgement is final and there can be no appeal?

Continue reading 1 MDB CLEARED →

1. I read a report that the Speaker of Dewan Rakyat will not allow a motion of non-confidence to be tabled in the Dewan by anyone.

2. He insists that only he can decide whether such a motion can be put before the house or not.

3. The reason he says is that Parliamentary standing orders are silent on this matter. Also it had never been done before.

4. True, it had never been done before. That was because none of the previous five Prime Ministers had 2.6 billion Ringgit in their personal accounts, nor have they been involved in financial scandals and the alleged murder of anyone.

5. None of the previous Prime Ministers had dismantled the institutions investigating into the origins and whereabout of the money they had.

6. None of the previous Prime Ministers had borrowed RM42 billion at high cost to set up a development fund which became involved in shady deals.

7. None of them had invested more than one billion USD in dubious joint-venture projects with equally dubious Arab companies.

8. None of them had dissolved the joint-venture company only 6 months after formation and converted the 1MDB capital into loan with the partner they don’t think they should continue to have the joint-venture with.

9. But Najib is involved in all these. And now, other than saying the 1MDB assets are worth more than the 42 billion Ringgit borrowed, he cannot prove where the money is. The assets are actually Government land which Najib allowed 1MDB to acquire at ridiculously low prices, and then revalued 500 times more.

10. A vote of non-confidence is totally democratic. Parliament may not have any provision for it but the Constitution, the supreme law of the country clearly states that if the Prime Minister no longer commands the support of the majority of the members of Parliaments, he should resign. Article 43 (4) of the Federal Constitution states “If the Prime Minister ceases to command the confidence of the majority of the members of the House of Representatives, then, unless at his request the Yang di-Pertuan Agong dissolves Parliament, the Prime Minister shall tender the resignation of the Cabinet”.

11. So, is the Speaker trying to ignore the constitution?

12. Today, if you go abroad, foreigners, especially their press will ask, “Hey, what is happening to your country?” You will feel ashamed, but you can do nothing about it. The people who can do something are totally without shame. They openly admit to having received money by the millions from the Prime Minister. This is corruption at its worst. They support the PM because he gave them money, money which he cannot explain with any credibility that he obtained legally.

13. No wonder Malaysia is now listed as among the top of the corrupt countries of the world. And now the supporters of the Government do not even respect the Constitution.

14. No vote of non-confidence because the speaker will not allow it.

VERSI BM
Undi Tidak Percaya

1. Saya membaca laporan bahawa Yang di-Pertua Dewan Rakyat tidak akan membenarkan usul undi tidak percaya dibentangkan di Dewan oleh sesiapa pun.

2. Beliau menegaskan bahawa hanya dia boleh membuat keputusan sama ada usul boleh dibentangkan di dalam Dewan itu atau tidak.

3. Beliau berkata sebabnya ialah kerana perintah tetap (standing order) Parlimen bisu mengenai perkara ini. Juga ia tidak pernah dilakukan sebelum ini.

4. Benar, ia tidak pernah dilakukan sebelum ini. Ini adalah kerana tiada seorang pun daripada lima Perdana Menteri sebelum ini mempunyai 2.6 bilion ringgit dalam akaun peribadi mereka, dan tiada pula mereka terlibat dalam skandal kewangan dan tuduhan pembunuhan sesiapa.

5. Tidak ada seorang daripada Perdana Menteri sebelum ini telah membongkarkan institusi-institusi penyiasat asal-usul dan di mana adanya wang yang mereka miliki.

6. Tidak ada seorang daripada Perdana Menteri sebelum ini meminjam RM42 bilion pada kos yang tinggi untuk menubuhkan dana pembangunan yang terlibat dalam urus niaga yang curigakan.

7. Tiada seorang pun daripada mereka telah melabur lebih satu bilion USD dalam projek usaha sama dengan syarikat-syarikat Arab yang kredibilitinya juga meragukan.

8. Tiada seorang pun daripada mereka telah membubarkan syarikat usaha sama hanya 6 bulan selepas pembentukan dan menukar modal 1MDB menjadi pinjaman dengan pasangan usaha sama itu yang mereka fikir tidak perlu lagi teruskan usaha sama itu.

9. Tetapi Najib terlibat dalam semua ini. Dan kini, selain daripada berkata aset 1MDB bernilai lebih daripada 42 bilion Ringgit yang dipinjam, dia tidak dapat membuktikan di mana wang itu berada. Aset ini adalah sebenarnya tanah Kerajaan yang Najib membenarkan 1MDB mengambil alih pada harga yang amat murah, dan kemudian dinilai semula lebih 500 kali ganda.

10. Suatu undi tidak percaya benar-benar demokratik. Parlimen mungkin tidak mempunyai apa-apa peruntukan untuk itu tetapi Perlembagaan, undang-undang tertinggi di negara ini dengan jelas menyatakan bahawa jika Perdana Menteri tidak lagi mendapat sokongan daripada majoriti ahli-ahli Parlimen, beliau harus meletakkan jawatan. Perkara 43 (4) Perlembagaan Persekutuan menyatakan “Jika Perdana Menteri tidak lagi mendapat kepercayaan majoriti ahli-ahli Dewan Rakyat, maka, melainkan jika atas permintaannya Yang di-Pertuan Agong membubarkan Parlimen, Perdana Menteri hendaklah menawar perletakan jawatan keseluruhan Kabinet “.

11. Jadi, adakah Yang di-Pertua Dewan cuba mengabaikan perlembagaan?

12. Hari ini, jika anda pergi ke luar negara, warga asing, terutama akhbar mereka akan bertanya, “Hai, apa yang berlaku kepada negara anda?” Anda akan berasa malu, tetapi anda tidak boleh berbuat apa-apa mengenainya. Mereka yang boleh melakukan sesuatu langsung tidak berasa malu. Mereka secara terbuka mengaku telah menerima jutaan wang daripada Perdana Menteri. Ini adalah rasuah pada peringkat paling teruk. Mereka menyokong PM kerana dia memberikan mereka wang, wang yang beliau sendiri tidak dapat menjelaskan dengan sebarang kredibiliti yang ianya diperolehi secara sah.

13. Tidak hairanlah Malaysia kini disenaraikan sebagai antara negara-negara korup di dunia. Dan kini penyokong kerajaan tidak langsung menghormati Perlembagaan.

14. Tiada undi tidak percaya kerana Yang di-Pertuan Dewan tidak akan membenarkannya.